The concept of active ageing shifts the focus of the discussion of the consequences of ageing from negative expectations of a growing burden of public costs to the analysis of opportunities of using the potential of elderly people. This paper is aimed at testing the applicability of international approaches to measure active ageing to the situation in Russia. For this purpose, we use the international Active Ageing Index (AAI), developed by the experts from the European Centre Vienna. The AAI is a multidimensional composite index that consists of 22 indicators and measures the untapped potential of older people in four major areas: (1) employment, (2) participation in society, (3) independent, healthy and secure life, (4) capacity for active ageing. Our empirical estimation of the AAI is based on several surveys: Russian Population Census (2010), GGS (2011), CMLC (2011), ESS (2010 and 2012), RLMS (2011), HMD (2010), IHME (2010). These data sources provide relatively high comparability of the AAI results for Russia with EU countries. The results show that the AAI equals 31.1 points, which means about 69% of unused potential for active ageing of the elderly in Russia, and corresponds to the 18th place in ranking of 29 European countries. Russia performs relatively better in the employment and capacity for active ageing domains. It is in the bottom of the ranking in the independent, healthy and secure life domain
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As defined by the OECD and following the international practice, social spending includes all public costs incurred by paying benefits, providing goods and services, as well as tax deductions and discounts, made for social purposes. Among the beneficiaries of these payments and services may be low-income households or certain social groups, such as the retired, disabled, sick and temporarily disabled people, unemployed, and some others. Social spending is generated by such systems as pension plans, healthcare, education (the OECD statistics covers only early childhood education and care), labor market programs, housing, and family policies. This spending is aimed at redistributing resources across households or targets all the citizens and implies compulsory participation. Apart from the definition above, some Russian authors interpret public social spending broader and include funding of the ...
In the face of rapidly aging population, decreasing regional inequalities in population composition is one of the regional cohesion goals of the European Union. To our knowledge, no explicit quantification of the changes in regional population aging differentiation exist. We investigate how regional differences in population aging developed over the last decade and how they are likely to evolve in the coming three decades, and we examine how demographic components of population growth contribute to the process. We use the beta-convergence approach to test whether regions are moving towards a common level of population aging. The change in population composition is decomposed into the separate effects of changes in the size of the non-working-age population and of the working-age population. The latter changes are further decomposed into the effects of cohort turnover, migration at working ages, and mortality at working ages. European Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics (NUTS)-2 regions experienced notable convergence in population aging during the period 2003–2012 and are expected to experience further convergence in the coming three decades. Convergence in aging mainly depends on changes in the population structure of East-European regions. Cohort turnover plays the major role in promoting convergence. Differences in mortality at working ages, though quite moderate themselves, have a significant cumulative effect. The projections show that when it is assumed that net migration flows at working ages are converging across European regions, this will not contribute to convergence of population aging. The beta-convergence approach proves useful to examine regional variations in population aging across Europe.
We examined the link between ethnic diversity and social capital to test Putnam’s hypothesis on the negative impact of ethnic diversity on social capital. Data came from a representative survey in two multicultural regions of Russia (N= 2,061). To assess the level of ethnic diversity, an ethnic diversity index was calculated using data from the latest National Population Census in Russia. Data were analyzed using two-level structural equation modeling. The results did not confirm Putnam’s hypothesis and showed that ethnic diversity, as assessed in the latest National Population Census in Russia, was not negatively related to social capital in Russia. We argue that the long-standing ethnic diversity in Russia is positively related to informal sociability, and does not affect generalized trust and community organizational life. It is concluded that Putnam’s hypothesis does not have universal validity, presumably because the link between diversity and social capital is moderated by various regional and national characteristics.
In the later decade Russia continued progress in terms of economic growth and lowering poverty. Yet Russia was much less successful in reducing inequality which skyrocketed after the market liberalization reforms in the early 1990s. Currently inequality in Russia has stabilized at the level which is significantly above the OECD average: the average Gini coefficient for the OECD countries in 2014 was 0.318, while it was 0.416 in Russia. Current macroeconomic environment with continuous recession, which started in 2014 and massive terms of trade shock due to collapse of oil prices, threatens to reverse Russia’s substantial achievements in terms of raising incomes of the population and reducing poverty. This chapter aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of income and wealth inequality in Russia and the impact of the current crisis. The focus throughout the chapter is on the national distribution of income and wealth. In market economies income and wealth serve as good predictors of well-being in other domains, such as social inclusion, education, health, etc.
The study explores the so-called ‘Kyrgyz clinics’ and their place in the migrant infrastructure of Moscow, Russia. We focus on the unique status of these clinics specifically aimed at and tailored for the migrants’ medical and psychosocial needs. We have found that the role of Kyrgyz clinics is not limited to the provision of affordable medical services. It is a milieu where the migrant patients come with their problems to migrant doctors, and where they can use their native language and cultural code to talk about their health problems. In particular, Kyrgyz doctors at such clinics play the role of intermediaries between migrants and other medical institutions of Moscow, as migrants often lack information about budget healthcare services in Moscow. We also briefly outline how migrants use informal strategies and networks to overcome the barriers to receiving medical care.
This article explores the impact of social and spatial structure of Moscow on the patterns of settlement of labour migrants. It emphasizes the ways in which the structure of post-Soviet urban environment differs from the European and U.S. ones, and uses interviews with guest workers from Central Asia to map out the barriers encountered today by migrants looking for housing, as well as the strategies they employ in their search for accommodation in Moscow. Special attention is paid to the role played by ethnic networks in the lives of migrant workers, and the ways in which these networks are configured by the urban space. The article demonstrates how the absence of spatial segregation in the post-Soviet city, inherited from the Soviet period, affects the trajectories of social and economic integration of migrants and explains the absence of ‘ethnic areas’ in today’s Moscow.
A period of qualitative changes in Russia has led to the transformation of many social aspects, including the social structure. Unsurprisingly, its specific features and certain social groups and strata are of particular interest at the moment. Both the scientific community and the general public are traditionally interested in the social entity of middle class. The term “middle class”, however, does not have a universal definition. Its meaning has been changing along with the social development and social structure transformations, depending on the historical context of a society. Moreover, several conceptually different approaches to identifying the middle class were emerging separately (due to the fact that middle class analysis was based on different goals and objectives that required different methodologies). In Russia, there is ongoing theoretical debate over the necessary and sufficient conditions for classifying an individual or a household as middle-class. Arguments for existence of the middle class in the country are quite often completely different as a result of diverse approaches and respective criteria, as well as the chosen thresholds, for identifying the sought-for middle class. Differences in the methodology of middle class identification lead to a considerable spread in the estimates of its share, from 2-3% to at least half of the population. Chapter presents different approaches to middle class definition, brief history of middle class studies in Russia and main results concerning specifics of Russian middle class from different research studies.
Over the last fifteen years, the ethnic make-up of Moscow's mosques has undergone significant change, while the number of practicing Muslims has grown manifold. These quantitative changes are connected with both the internal migration of people from the North Caucasian republics (a migration that had already begun in the early 1990s) and the external migration of natives of Central Asian states, primarily Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kirgizia (a mass migration dating from the 2000s). This paper is dedicated to two phenomena of contemporary Moscow Muslim life - the loud zikr (dhikr) of the Kunta Hajji wird of the Qadiri tariqah, practiced by Chechens and Ingush; and the religious practices of the Central Asian "uninstitutionalized" mullahs. Both spiritual practices are popular and have great significance for a considerable proportion of Moscow Muslims, including those who do not directly participate in them. What both practices have in common is also found in their marginal nature with regard both to institutionalized Moscow Islam and to the Wahhabi trend which is now gathering steam here. This is an attempt to identify some specific features of contemporary Moscow Islam through the analysis of certain practices.
What factors best explain the low incidence of skills training in a late industrial society like Russia? This research undertakes a multilevel analysis of the role of occupational structure against the probability of training. The explanatory power of occupation-specific determinants and skills polarisation are evaluated, using a representative 2012 sample from the Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey. Applying a two-level Bayesian logistic regression model, we show that the incidence of training in Russia is significantly contextualised within the structure of occupations and the inequalities between them. The study shows that extremely high wage gaps within managerial class jobs can discourage training, an unusual finding. Markets accumulating interchangeable and disposable labour best explain the low incidence of training; workers within generic labour are less likely to develop their skills formally, except in urban markets. Although we did not find strong evidence of skills polarisation, Russians are yet to live in a knowledge economy.
The system of statistical migration records in Russia was reformed in 2011. According to the new regulations, anyone registered in a different region for at least 9 months is considered to be a migrant – as opposed to the previous 12-month threshold. This change in regulations revealed the real volume of educational migration. Before the reform, students who moved to their place of study for an academic year were often still considered as living with their parents, where they were registered and spent the summer months. In this paper, we compare the intensity of inter-regional migration of youths aged 17-21 in two periods: (1) just before the reform – 2003-2010 and (2) right after the reform – 2011-2013. To compare the intensities correctly, we employ cohort-component analysis. The intensity of migration at student ages increased by a factor of 2.5. The available data is not sufficient to figure out which part of the increase is due to the statistical reform itself, and which part could be explained with a possible real growth of youth migration intensity. Yet, the leaping nature if the change hints on the apparent growth of the migration intensity of the youths is merely a data artifact. The distribution of regions by the intensity of migration growth in student cohorts became closer to normal, indicating a possible improvement of migration statistics.
The author reviews the report UNICEF (2015) Social Monitor: Social protection for child rights and wellbeing in Central and Eastern Europe, the Caucasus and Central Asia, Geneva: United Nations Children’s Fund.